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If the proper resting periods are ignored ichill liquid sleep aid 8 oz purchase 25 mg unisom with mastercard, or if adequate food/water is unavailable insomnia period purchase unisom with american express, animals are subject to foundering sleep aid pills overdose order generic unisom. Gorging If pack/draft/riding animals are denied food/water for any length of time sleep aid vital nutrients cheap unisom 25 mg visa, they will tend, if either becomes available, to gorge themselves. This can result in bloating, illness, and, in extreme cases, death or incapacitation. Forced Marches A force march is moving for over two watches per day, or moving faster (25%) than normal over a watch. Force marching justifies a foundering roll at the end of each watch as applicable. Pack/Draft/Riding Animals Horse: these animals are sometimes used as pack/draft animals, but are more commonly used as mounts. Mule: A crossbred horse/donkey, the mule is an efficient pack animal, but almost impossible to train as a draft animal. On difficult routes, such as the Silver Way (Tashal/Azadmere) they are the most common mode of transport. Ox: Sometimes used as pack animals, but more often as draft animals to pull wagons, carts, and plows. They are capable of pulling heavier loads than any other beast, but because of their sensitive, unshoeable hooves, they must be driven slowly and with great care. They can survive for some time with inadequate food and water, depending on load and weather conditions. Camels are notoriously ill-tempered and intractable; they will sometimes refuse to move for no apparent reason. For the sake of sanity, we have reduced these to two principal types: carts and wagons (defined below). Their movement rate is generally the same as the Foot rate on roads/trails, and they can be used on rougher trails than can wagons. Carts are generally pulled by a single ox, and the load and speed given assumes this. Horses may be used instead of oxen; for horses, decrease load by 20%, but increase speed by 50%. Wagons can only be used on the best of roads; they are almost useless for offroad travel. If four oxen (never three) are used, or horses are used instead of oxen, percentage adjustments to load/speed are the same as for carts. Sled: Under snow/ice conditions, sleds move at double the Foot rate, but are, of course, useless without such conditions. Sleds are most commonly used in Ivinia and Altland, but are seen in other parts of Lythia when the climate is favorable. The load/speed given assumes a team of six dogs and is roughly equivalent to one horse in food/water requirements. Barges: Ships and barges are the most efficient means of transport when their use is possible, roughly five times as efficient as land transport. In western Lythia, barges are extensively used for moving goods on navigable rivers. The load capacity of a vessel is (roughly) equal to the square of its length (in feet) x 50 pounds. The common river barge, about 30 feet in length, could carry about 45,000 pounds (22. Barge movement rates depend on the speed of the current and whether the barge is floating downstream or being pulled upstream. Most are ex-military officers who have demonstrated some skill at getting the job done. They are responsible for hiring teamsters and guards; deciding who joins a caravan; establishing departure dates, camp sites, etc. They have the power to abandon goods (and their owners) if their presence is deemed hazardous to the caravan. Assuming the Caravan Master does not wish to split the caravan up, the movement rate of any caravan is that of its slowest member. When caravans force march, or cannot provide adequate food and water for their livestock, rolling for individual animals is not practical. If the expedition force marches, it has a 50% chance per day of taking 1d3 percent losses in livestock/wagons.

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The state is even perceived to have an invisible power that "makes people disappear" (Obeid 2010: 339)-a tangible fear under disciplinary states that rely substantially on secret service apparatuses sleep aid kirkland review unisom 25 mg without prescription, for example xpn sleep aid buy unisom uk. Bayat (2010) rightfully takes issue with the repercussions of Foucauldian approaches on our understanding of power sleep aid videos purchase unisom 25 mg line. In the following insomnia oxycodone buy unisom without prescription, I discuss questions raised by political ethnographies on the techniques of domination. Drawing on different texts, I bring the following ethnographies into a conversation about what I consider to be a politics of presence by which states actively "produce" (Nugent 2010) themselves as coherent, overpowering entities that come to dominate their subjects. A main question raised in the following ethnographies relates to domination and its "ambiguity" (Wedeen 1999). Scholars cited here are concerned with understanding how states come to dominate their subjects. What techniques of governmentality and control do they employ, and how does the state come to attain a "Godlike image" in both its welfarist and disciplinary roles? Equally, this literature explores how these same attempts of state control are met by their subjects. What spaces exist to contest the state or to undermine its glorious image of itself? What happens when subjects "disengage" with their states or when the state itself "disengages" with its subjects? I draw on some of the interrelated techniques of domination invoked by the literature and discuss how these shape and reshape state­society relations. Spatial Control In several Middle Eastern countries, the state has become synonymous with the "security state. As Erakat (2011) notes, these laws, especially when invoked in peacetime, "reflect the preservation of control in situations where government is conducted by threat of force rather than by consent. Through an ethnographic exploration, she shows how the state comes to have a hold over its citizens, especially those on its imagined margin-margins being "places where state law and order continually have to be reestablished" (Asad 2004: 279). The development of the "security state" in Egypt happens to have paralleled the rise of neoliberalism as a "rationality of government" in the social and economic spheres (2006: 67). This shift in Egypt has blurred the lines between "the state, international organisations, and the civil society that is assumed to lie outside of the state" (Elyachar 2003: 595; Elyachar 2006). These changes constitute what Ismail calls "the privatisation of the social" (2006: 87), and point to the rise of neoliberal notions of philanthropy that are expressed through discourses of piety that promote "the religious duty of charity. This major change has led to a significant transformation in the moral landscape inhabited by rulers and ruled: "Now that the acquiescence of the ruled is not bought off with social support programs, [it] is being produced through techniques of discipline and population control" (ibid. Drawing on the Weberian and Foucauldian traditions, she explores how the state uses its monopoly over force spatially, thus elaborating on how practices of power work in regulating, controlling, and managing human activities in time and in space. As an area that developed outside the regulation and control of the state, Bulaq alDakrur, as with other informal housing, came to be seen as the hub of unruliness; the "natural habitat of thuggery" (ibid. This discursive representation, promoted by the media and the state, constructed an image of Bulaq alDakrur as "other," "outside," and threatening, thus prompting the state to enforce spatial control of this quarter. Other scholars have also highlighted how the Egyptian state uses the technique of spatial control as antiinsurgency planning to suppress any potentially subversive activity. One example is the fencing off of festivities such as the "mulids" and symbolically occupying their centers (Schielke 2008). Ismail explores both overt and covert techniques of population control, especially the control over the young male able body that poses a threat to the authority of the state. Police surveillance, systematic intimidation, and "stopandquestion" policies were all done under the name of the law. The "thug" and "terrorist" intertwine as figures of threat to national security and give the state an excuse to control segments of the population. Lisa Wedeen raises important questions about the economy of domination under authoritarian regimes: She asks how a regime can "build an effective state, which requires the regime to enforce its political dominance, while generating support from a broad constituency and cultivating a sense of national membership" (1999: 14). Rather than focusing on issues related to coherence, Wedeen is more interested in the ambiguities of power. Wedeen explores the vocabulary of this cult and the official rhetoric that creates the premise on which domestic political affairs are conducted. The regime uses kinship metaphors that situate power in the patriarchal family through conjuring up gendered and generational constructions. Official rhetoric thus constructs nation building through "patriarchal connectivity" (see Joseph 1993) and reproduces it through common, nationally broadcasted pronouncements such as, ".

Analysis of hospital length of stay and discharge destination using hazard functions with unmeasured heterogeneity insomnia history cheap 25 mg unisom with mastercard. Filming the family: A documentary film to educate clinicians about family caregivers of patients with brain tumors insomnia icd-9 code discount 25 mg unisom with mastercard. Identification of factors predictive of hospital readmissions for patients with heart failure insomnia 6 days after ovulation cheap generic unisom uk. Preferences for and experiences of family involvement in cancer treatment decisionmaking: patient-caregiver dyads study quinine sleep aid cheap unisom 25 mg otc. Caregiver attitudes and hospitalization risk in Michigan residents receiving home- and community-based care. Caregiver psychological distress as a barrier to influenza vaccination among community-dwelling elderly with dementia. Provider responses to patients controlling access to their electronic health records: A prospective cohort study in primary care. Communicating with clinicians: the experiences of surrogate decision-makers for hospitalized older adults. Informal care and Medicare expenditures: testing for heterogeneous treatment effects. Surviving surrogate decisionmaking: what helps and hampers the experience of making medical decisions for others. Dignity-driven decision making: a compelling strategy for improving care for people with advanced illness. Systematic review: the effect on surrogates of making treatment decisions for others. National strategy for trusted identities in cyberspace: enhancing online choice, efficiency, security, and privacy. A look at person- and family-centered care among older adults: Results from a national survey. Informal caregiver characteristics and subsequent hospitalization outcomes among recipients of care. Hidden in plain sight: Medical visit companions as a quality of care resource for vulnerable older adults. Older adults receiving assistance with physician visits and prescribed medications and their family caregivers: Prevalence, characteristics, and hours of care. The Journals of Gerontology Series B, Psychological Sciences and Social Sciences 69(Suppl 1):S65-S72. A national profile of family and unpaid caregivers who assist older adults with health care activities. Patient interest in sharing personal health record information: A web-based survey. These trends, described in the previous chapters, indicate not only a growing demand for families to provide eldercare but also growing evidence that caregiving itself poses risks-mental, physical, and economic-for some people. A number of factors underscore the urgency of addressing the needs of family caregivers of older adults. The demand for caregivers is increasing significantly not only because of sheer numbers but also because the fastest growing cohort of older adults in the United States are those age 80 and older-the age when people are most likely to have a significant physical or cognitive impairment or both. At the same time, the size of American families is shrinking and the makeup of families is changing as more people do not have children, never marry, divorce, or blend families through remarriage. Chapter 3 described the increasingly complex and demanding roles that caregivers are expected to take on. For some people, caregiving can instill confidence, provide meaning and purpose, enhance skills, and bring the caregiver closer to the older adult. An extensive literature finds that, compared to non-caregivers, family caregivers of older adults are more likely to experience emotional distress, depression, anxiety, or social isolation. Some caregivers, compared to others, are more likely to report being in poor physical health and have elevated levels of stress hormones or higher rates of chronic disease. Family members who spend long hours caring for older relatives with advanced dementia, for example, are especially at risk. Other risk factors include low socioeconomic status, high levels of perceived suffering of the care recipient, living with the care recipient, lack of choice in taking on the caregiving role, poor physical health of the caregiver, lack of social support, and a physical home environment that makes care tasks difficult. Caregivers may lose income, Social Security and other retirement benefits, and career opportunities if they have to cut back on work hours or leave the workforce. They may also incur substantial out-of-pocket expenses that may undermine their own future financial security.

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Girls (52 percent) sleep aid noise machine discount unisom 25mg on-line, and students in higher-level general education sleep aid medicine purchase unisom from india, were slightly over-represented in the sample insomnia 420 purchase unisom australia. Principal component analysis revealed insomnia drugs buy cheap unisom 25 mg on line, again, one underlying factor (factor loadings >. Measurement of perceptions of threat was accomplished by statements reflecting economic threats. We included one scale that particularly referred to perceived threat from Muslims and Islam (7 items, factor loadings >. Perceived threat from foreigners in general was measured by statements reflecting economic threat, safety concerns, and value threat posed by foreigners in general. Respondents were further asked whether they thought that a number of characteristics were applicable to the groups and religions, respectively. To avoid bias, an equal number of positive and negative characteristics were included in the questionnaire. In our analyses, and following the Integrated Threat Theory, we included only the three negative clichйs of Islam and Judaism (violent, dominant, and unfriendly toward women) and the six negative stereotypes of Turks, Moroccans, and Jews (rude, selfish, aggressive, arrogant, clumsy, and dominant). Social class was subjectively measured by the estimated relative income of the parents (three categories: less income than most people; about the same income as most people; and more income than most people). Religiosity was measured by church attendance (5-point scale ranging from (0) never, to (1) at least once a week). Results reveal two underlying factors, one with the Islamophobia items (factor loadings >. These results do not meet the first criterion that Islamophobia and anti-Semitism form one construct. The descriptive statistics show that respondents had more a negative than positive attitude toward Islam and Muslims (Mean = 0. More than one-third of the respondents (36 percent) had a negative attitude toward Muslims and Islam (a score of. Nine percent of the respondents had a negative attitude toward Jews and Judaism (a score of. Almost forty percent (38 percent) can be considered to have a neutral attitude (score between. These results do not meet the second criterion that the levels of Islamophobia and antiSemitism are about equal. Correlation analyses further show that attitudes toward Muslims/Islam and Jews/Judaism are moderately correlated (r =. This finding seems to support the proposition that people who have a negative attitude toward one outgroup are likely to have a negative attitude toward another outgroup as well. However, cross-tabulation of Islamophobia and anti-Semitism (Table 1) shows that, although respondents with a neutral or negative attitude toward Jews and Judaism typically have a similar attitude toward Muslims and Islam, the reverse does not apply. In fact, a substantial part of the respondents scoring high on Islamophobia have either a neutral or even positive attitude toward Jews and Judaism (39 percent and 36 percent respectively). These results do not meet the third criterion that Islamophobia and anti-Semitism are strongly correlated. Judaism/Jews Positive Neutral Negative Total Positive 126 9 2 137 Islam/Muslims Neutral Negative 92 75 128 81 9 50 229 206 Total 293 218 61 572 Table 1. Attitudes toward Islam/Muslims and Judaism/Jews the multivariate regression analysis of Islamophobia, including anti-Semitism and the background variables of gender, age, social class, educational level, and religiosity, shows that anti-Semitism has a strong effect on Islamophobia, b =. The multivariate regression analysis of anti-Semitism, including Islamophobia and the background variables of gender, age, social class, educational level, and religiosity, shows that Islamophobia also has a moderate effect on anti-Semitism, b =. Although anti- 63 Semitism explains a substantial and significant share of the variance in Islamophobia, and vice versa, the data does not support the criterion that anti-Semitism explains a high proportion of the variance in attitude toward Islam and Muslims, nor that Islamophobia explains a high proportion of the variance in attitudes toward Jews and Judaism. Instead, the results signal that important possible antecedents of Islamophobia and anti-Semitism are missing in the current model. Results show that the impact of anti-Semitism on Islamophobia is robust, as it maintains its strong effect on Islamophobia, b =. Anti-Semitism is, together with perceived threat specifically by Islam and Muslims, b =. Moreover, a surprising finding concerns the impact of perceived threat posed by Jews and Judaism. Respondents who perceive more threat from Jews and Judaism, and who hold negative clichйs about Judaism and negative stereotypes about Jews, tend to be less Islamophobic. In other words, when we look at the unique impact of threat posed by Judaism and Jews, and thus filter out the impact of generalized perceived threat of foreigners, and of Muslims and Islam in particular, we find that more threat perceived from, and more negative beliefs held about, Jews and Judaism, are in fact associated with lower levels of Islamophobia.